In February 2025, France hosted the AI Action Summit in Paris, co-chaired by French President Emmanuel Macron and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, to discuss global AI issues. The summit was a grand affair, bringing together governments, tech companies, VCs, academics, and select civil society representatives. Panels, speeches, dinners, and receptions provided spaces for formal and informal discussions on the future of AI, followed by a significant number of reports, news coverage, and LinkedIn posts capturing the event.

It is reported that the atmosphere at this summit was significantly different than the previous summits. While past summits in Bletchley Park in 2023 and Seoul in 2024 focused on AI safety, fairness, and policy, the Paris summit primarily prioritized short-term economic priorities, with a strong focus on AI for economic growth.

While the final communique from the Summit, signed by 60 countries, including France, China, and India, still references safety, inclusion, and sustainability, it does not go beyond empty talk with vague language and non-binding commitments. Notably, the United States and the UK declined to sign.  It is no surprise that the US declined to sign the declaration. The Trump administration has no interest in yet another international statement on AI, whether from a global summit or the United Nations. The administration has a set goal to win the AI arms race and is ready to do whatever it takes. As Vice President JD Vance stated in his speech, “The Trump administration will ensure that the most powerful AI systems are built in the US, with American-designed and manufactured chips.”

Given the ongoing AI arms race with China and the recent DeepSeek shock in Washington, there is little doubt that the Trump Administration will take an increasingly aggressive and protectionist stance on AI policy.

Once again, this should be no surprise to anyone working on international policy. Trump’s “America first” approach naturally targets one of the most critical sectors of today and the future: artificial intelligence. Given the ongoing AI arms race with China and the recent DeepSeek shock in Washington, there is little doubt that the Trump Administration will take an increasingly aggressive and protectionist stance on AI policy. As Vice President JD Vance made it clear, you are either with us or China. For Americans, there are no other players in this game, only junior partners dependent on US big tech infrastructure, chips, and cloud. Any other scenario does not exist in their calculus.

Though India co-hosted the summit and the event was framed around inclusivity, there was little indication of what this race means for the Global South.

This rigid worldview was also evident at the Summit. Though India co-hosted the summit and the event was framed around inclusivity, there was little indication of what this race means for the Global South. It appeared that there was no expectation for those nations to play a significant role in shaping the AI landscape, apart from adopting AI at a vast scale to serve as markets for AI companies.

Differing interest among key players

While the US administration insisted that there were only two players in this game, the Summit was more about Europe’s bid to establish itself as an independent powerhouse in AI. The summit’s main host, President Macron, did not seem particularly interested in implementing AI guardrails or ensuring the success of the EU AI Act. Instead, he was more focused on pitching France as a prime destination for AI investment than on engaging in a serious discussion about AI policy. He framed this policy shift as “a wake-up call for our European strategy.” Similarly, Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, spoke of Europe’s “distinctive approach to AI” and announced tens of billions of euros in public funding for AI digital infrastructure across the bloc. Both Macron and von der Leyen emphasized the EU’s ambition to become a significant player in the global AI race. They also appeared receptive to the long-standing tech industry criticism that Europe’s (over)regulatory approach placed it at a disadvantage compared to global competitors. Macron, in particular, was vocal about simplifying the regulations and aligning more closely with the rest of the world.

The summit’s main host, President Macron, did not seem particularly interested in implementing AI guardrails or ensuring the success of the EU AI Act. Instead, he was more focused on pitching France as a prime destination for AI investment.

Quite frankly, given the recent developments, particularly the Trump administration’s approach to the EU and its regulations, they had little room to champion EU regulations, especially the EU AI Act, which the bloc promotes as the world’s first comprehensive AI law. So, no one expected Macron to champion the EU AI Act after Trump slammed the EU regulations as “very unfair” in Davos and threatened the bloc with tariffs. In any case, Macron has never been a strong advocate of regulation — remember how French start-up Mistral captured Macon’s mind and the EU’s policy-making process during the discussions of the EU AI Act. As for van der Leyen, she took the stage immediately after the US Vice president, who had already left the room after delivering a blunt warning about the EU’s “massive regulations.” Rather than directly comforting his criticism, she sought a middle ground, promised to ease regulations, and cut red tape while still emphasizing the importance of AI safety.

Where does Trump’s America First approach leave the rest of the world?

The US Vice President Vance had a clear expectation from world leaders: to see a deregulatory flavor making its way into the global AI conversation. It seems not only he accomplished this mission, but he also sent a chilling message to the world about digital governance and regulation. Since taking office, President Trump and his allies have made it clear that they are no fans of regulations. Historically, Republican administrations have favored minimal regulatory oversight and lower corporate taxes. The first Trump administration was no deviation from this tradition and pursued an aggressive deregulation agenda, eliminating or suspending 860 regulatory actions. The second Trump administration appears even more committed to its deregulatory agenda both domestically and globally.

The US is the largest export market for many countries, including the EU. This dynamic reinforces power imbalances, allowing the US to dictate the terms of its imports, such as tariffs or duty-free access, and restrict exporting countries’ policy autonomy

Moreover, Trump’s America First approach to AI adds another layer to this strategy, protecting American companies from the “very unfair regulations” imposed by the EU and other countries. Given Trump’s transactional leadership style and love for tariffs— he calls himself “the tariff guy”— regulations, particularly tech regulations imposed by other countries, become prime targets for his trade measures. This makes global tech policy increasingly intertwined with trade policy, opening a door for tariff bullying.

The US is the largest export market for many countries, including the EU. This dynamic reinforces power imbalances, allowing the US to dictate the terms of its imports, such as tariffs or duty-free access, and restrict exporting countries’ policy autonomy. This is why the United States Trade Representative (USTR) has become a key player in global digital governance. Historically, the USTR safeguarded the interest of US tech companies’ interests abroad, conflating freedom of internet commerce with “freedom of speech.” In the name of promoting a “free and open Internet,” it helped US tech companies expand their empire globally, free from regulatory and legislative intervention abroad. Leveraging the US’s position as the largest importer of goods and its negotiating power in trade talks, the USTR introduced a new set of trade rules, which were later branded as digital trade rules.

The influence of tech oligarchies

Tech companies, along with their allies in international organizations, think tanks, and tech-funded civil society, have significantly taken advantage of these digital trade rules and the USTR’s trade diplomacy over the past decade. This landscape shifted under the Biden administration, which critically assessed and sought to reform the prevailing Big Tech business model. Biden’s USTR was no ally of Big Tech; it revised its position on key digital trade provisions to give Congress and US regulators more policy space to curb tech power. It departed from the previous practice of pressuring other countries over their efforts to regulate Big Tech. Interestingly, this shift drew criticism not only from Big Tech and their allies but also from trade negotiators in other countries. European trade officials, particularly, were highly critical of Biden’s USTR retreating from digital trade rules. Ironically, the same officials are now shaken by Trump’s tariff threats over the EU tech regulations.

Recently, The Perfect Storm: A Time of Truth for Europe? Conference in Brussels former USTR Katherine Tai remarked:
“It was not fun being Biden’s US Trade Representative, and I can tell you about the beatings that I have taken here in Brussels and across Europe. Where was Europe these past four years? Our futures are bound together, fortunately, or unfortunately, the future is not yet written, and yes, these next years are going to be extremely painful. The last nine days, last eight days, we’re on the ninth day, are just the beginning.”

There is no doubt that this is just the beginning. To illustrate, during his Senate confirmation hearing, the new USTR, Jamieson Greer, made it clear that the US would be aggressive against foreign tech regulations. He emphasized that the US is highly competitive in tech and that discussions on regulating digital trade and technology companies should take place domestically, not in the EU, Brazil, South Korea, or anywhere else. He left no room for interpretation, stating that such regulatory efforts would not be tolerated.

Any attempt to regulate tech, whether AI safety, competition, or privacy, will not be welcomed in Washington, DC. Countries that want to rein tech empires will face the consequences in the form of harsh criticism first, followed by threats, bullying, tariffs, and trade sanctions.

Taken together, Trump’s criticism of “very unfair” EU regulations, Vance’s speech at the AI summit in Paris, and Greer’s statements, it is clear that a new era has begun. Any attempt to regulate tech, whether AI safety, competition, or privacy, will not be welcomed in Washington, DC. Countries that want to rein tech empires will face the consequences in the form of harsh criticism first, followed by threats, bullying, tariffs, and trade sanctions. If you depend on the US market for your exports, think twice before even considering regulating tech, challenging tech power, or protecting your citizen’s rights.
There is no doubt that this is a new frontier for tech power abroad. But does that mean that tech empires will go unchallenged at home? That remains a million-dollar question. The Trump Administration has made it clear that other countries cannot discipline or regulate American tech companies, but their fate within the US is still uncertain.

Trump’s appointment of Gail Slater, a well-known and respected lawyer in antitrust circles, to lead the Department of Justice’s Antitrust Division suggests antitrust scrutiny may continue. In the appointment announcement, Trump tech companies for stifling competition, exploiting their market power, and infringing the rights of both Americans and smaller tech companies. While congressional Republicans have little appetite for strict antitrust enforcement, VP Vance has praised Biden’s FTC chief, Lina Khan, for her work. However, Elon Musk’s influence adds a layer of uncertainty, given his previous criticism of what he considered the FTC’s overreach. This dynamic suggests a potential power struggle between the GOP, Musk, and the MAGA (Make America Great Again) wing over the future of antitrust policy.

In the meantime, tech oligarchs are doing everything they can to align themselves with Trump and his agenda. They made million-dollar donations to his inauguration, secured front-row seats, abandoned DEI policies, embraced bro culture, and even renamed the Gulf of Mexico the “Gulf of America,” all to show Trump that, unlike in his first term, they are now firmly standing on his side.

Coming back to where we started, the AI Summit demonstrated that not only Trump but also other countries, including Europe, are warmly welcoming tech oligarchs with open arms. They are eager to create the optimal investment environment for AI companies, free from regulations, rights, and protections.

When Trump took office, he declared that the golden age of America had begun, promising that from day one, the country would flourish and become the envy of every nation. Recent developments, both in the US and globally, particularly the AI summit, suggest that this is also the golden age of AI, where AI thrives unchecked and unregulated, becoming the envy of every nation.